Origin of
the Theory of Agency
An Account
by One of the TheoryÕs Originators
Barry M. Mitnick
Professor of Business Administration
Katz Graduate School of Business
University of Pittsburgh
261 Mervis Hall
Pittsburgh, PA 15260
Tel.: 412 648-1555
Email: mitnick@pitt.edu
Rev.
January 2006
Origin
of the Theory of Agency
The first scholars to propose,
explicitly, that a theory of agency be created, and to actually begin its
creation, were Stephen Ross and Barry Mitnick, independently and roughly
concurrently. Ross is responsible for the origin of the economic theory of
agency, and Mitnick for the institutional theory of agency, though the basic
concepts underlying these approaches are similar. Indeed, the approaches can be
seen as complementary in their uses of similar concepts under different
assumptions. In short, Ross introduced the study of agency in terms of problems
of compensation contracting; agency was seen, in essence, as an incentives
problem. Mitnick introduced the now common insight that institutions form
around agency, and evolve to deal with agency, in response to the essential
imperfection of agency relationships: Behavior never occurs as it is preferred
by the principal because it does not pay to make it perfect. But society
creates institutions that attend to these imperfections, managing or buffering
them, adapting to them, or becoming chronically distorted by them. Thus, to fully understand agency, we
need both streams -- to see the incentives as well as the institutional
structures.
In economic agency, the problem is one of
selecting a compensation system that will produce behavior by the agent
consistent with the principalÕs preferences. Thus the focus is on the nature of
the incentive system and the contracting system that guides the distribution of
those incentives, as well as the conditions of risk and information that
condition the choices of the actors.
With his typical elegance, Ross lays out the problem with great clarity
as well as brevity in a paper he delivered at the December 1972 economics
meeting and which was published in the AER Proceedings issue in
May 1973. He clearly identifies the agency problem as generic in society, not
merely as a problem in the theory of the firm. This sets his work apart from
the existing stream on the theory of the firm (e.g., Baumol 1959, Marris 1964,
Williamson 1964, Alchian and Demsetz 1972) as well as the more general formal
approaches on decision making under risk or uncertainty, and under different
information states (e.g., Arrow 1963, Spence and Zeckhauser 1971, Marshak and
Radner 1972), though it drew much from this work. Ross had recast the problem
in terms of agency relationships, and clearly identified the key problem and
the key variables. After RossÕs paper, scholars would see agency problems and
incentive mechanism design issues within agency relationships; the frame of
inquiry was refocused.
For Ross, however, the problems are still
within the realm of decisions and sequences of decisions regarding incentives;
the contexts that actually constitute the agency relationship are removed from
the analysis and are reduced to their contributions of incentives or
contractual constraints or risk/uncertainty conditions to decisions. Working
independently of Ross, Mitnick followed parallel, if overlapping lines of
literature that were more institutional in character. Barnard (1938) had
observed that in the employment relation supervisors and workers observed a
zone of discretion or indifference within which the worker made key choices.
Simon had written about employment as a relation and with March (1958) had
developed an inducements-contributions model that worried explicitly about
managerial issues in the relationship, such as decisions to join and stay in
the relationship. SimonÕs work straddled both economics and public
administration, and it was not surprising therefore that, in political science,
Clark and Wilson (1961) developed an incentives model of organizations. Thus both
relational and incentives-based arguments had developed within, or migrated to,
the parallel literature.
On the economics side, WilliamsonÕs
managerial discretion model (1964) recalled, at least superficially, some
features of BarnardÕs old argument about the discretionary zone of managersÕ
behaviors, but it introduced an elegant utility tradeoff in which managers
could survive while making allocation decisions that benefitted themselves as
well as giving receivers of profit consequently less than maximal returns.
Recalling the classic work of Coase (1937), Williamson (1975) then introduced a
new approach to why hierarchies could be superior to market contracting. This
transaction cost approach suggested that institutions could form because they
were a better means of dealing with such costs, given other conditions such as
the nature of the assets, technology, opportunism, and so on. But although
Williamson with others applied this approach to the employment relation, his
transaction costs model (1975) was based on a new view of exchange Ð that is, it existed as a contrast to
traditional models of market exchange Ð and was not offered as a model of control. His firms, though nominally
hierarchical and subject to issues of corporate control by the owners, were
understood functionally more in terms of exchanges Ð transactions Ð rather than
of true hierarchical behavior in which some actors are modeled as acting for
others. The existence of costs of control, however, suggested to Mitnick that a
theory of control centered on agency Ð not just a theory of exchanges Ð might
generate new insights into common social institutions.
In a 1965 review of theories of the firm,
Alchian remarked in analyzing Williamson (1964) that Òunfortunately for the
owners, there are costs of detecting and policing [the managerÕs] actions É.
Once these costs are recognized, it is obviously better to avoid some of these
costs if the profits saved are less than the costsÓ (Alchian 1965: 35).1
Mitnick realized that AlchianÕs observation was a perfectly general one Ð that
it was true across the host of agency relationships, not merely as a
characteristic of corporate governance. In essence, it would be productive to
create a vertical theory of control as well as a horizontal one of exchange. We
are then led to focus on the mechanisms, and costs, of specifying what the
agent is to do, as well as the costs of observing and policing him or her. The
approach becomes vertically relational, as institutions are created to instruct
and manage agents, and to deal with the inevitable (and sometimes rationally
tolerated) imperfections of control.
Like Ross, Mitnick first presented his
work in a conference paper, which was given at a regular panel of the American
Political Science Association Meeting in 1973. The APSA does not publish
selected papers in a journal issue, as does the AEA, but it did put panel
papers into microfilmed proceedings that were generally available (as
dissertations have been), from what was Xerox University Microfilms and its corporate
heirs.
Both Ross and Mitnick were at the
University of Pennsylvania (as was Williamson); Ross was a young faculty member
in economics; Mitnick was a doctoral student in political science interested in
public choice, bureaucracy, and political economy.2 Mitnick
developed his work on agency in the Fall of 1972, writing the long paper that
became the central analytic part of his dissertation and his 1973 APSA paper
over a period of months up to the 1973 meeting. After his comprehensive
examination in early 1973, Prof. Stephen Elkin asked him what the topic of his
dissertation would be. Mitnick described his agency thesis, and Elkin said that
he should talk to Ross, who had recently presented a paper on what he called
the theory of agency. Mitnick said that he had also come to that name, having
studied the law of agency for his paper and because of simple common usage of
the term Òagency.Ó3
Mitnick did not see RossÕs paper until it
was published in the May 1973 AER Proceedings, however. At that
point (perhaps June 1973), he did go to speak with Ross, and had a brief
exchange about the difficulty of creating a formal model of Òacting for.Ó Ross
had a wonderful term for it that stuck in MitnickÕs mind Ð the Òice cream cone
problemÓ Ð the agent's problem of selecting what the principal wants without
knowing the principalÕs preferences. Ross saw the problem as essentially
insoluble as a pure choice problem without greater information on those
preferences. Mitnick believed that institutions and social mechanisms exist to
guide such behaviors. People make decisions based on things like norms,
information with social origins, and what more recent literature terms
cognitive heuristics or biases. In essence, information can be gathered
indirectly Ð or created Ð to solve or remove the ice cream cone problem.
Mitnick put a brief summary and critique of RossÕs paper in his own 1973 paper
since RossÕs paper appeared before the APSA meeting, but the two works were
created quite independently.
RossÕs 1973 paper was tightly focused on
the formal analysis of the principalÕs problem of selecting optimal
compensation for the agent, and has only the briefest mention of the societal
contexts and relevance of a theory of agency. He published a second conference
paper in a proceedings in 1974 that focused on the formal principle of
similarity. In contrast, MitnickÕs 1973 paper and 1974 dissertation (1974a)
presented an extensive study of many aspects of the theory of agency. It made
the case for developing a general theory, presenting a detailed set of agency
concepts and sorting them in typologies, identifying types of agency
relationships as well as a language for describing agency and for developing
theoretical explanations for behavior in agency.
For example, MitnickÕs work identified
the fiduciary norm as a common social norm and noted how such norms economized
on agency costs.4 It also developed a theoretical logic about agency
in general that permitted the generation of theory in a wide variety of social
contexts. In other words, it actually began developing an institutional theory
of agency. Mitnick presented applications to such social relationships as
advisers and clients, lawyers negotiating with one another, diplomats
negotiating with foreign governments and one another, the behavioral patterns
of legislative representatives, the advocacy of interest groups, regulators as
agents subject to policing by public observers, regulatory incentive systems
(with a specific application to regulation of power plant siting), and so on.
He took the Clark and Wilson (1961) incentive system model and modified it to
make it systematic and applicable to agency relationships.
It was not unusual in the formal work on
economic agency to see a focus on normative theory: For example, researchers asked such
questions as, is there an optimal fee schedule that would align the agent and
principal under certain conditions? Approaches of this type often seek to
derive general principles from assumptions about initial conditions, abstract
relationships among variables, and so on, via formal proofs. Having derived the
principle, some researchers may then search for empirical evidence consistent
with the abstract result. In contrast, from the beginning MitnickÕs
institutional approach focused on developing the core theory logics of agency
that made it possible to generate statements about behavior in the real world,
i.e., descriptive theory:
How can we explain a series of diverse but commonly observed contexts of
agent-principal relationships using the logics of agency theory? For example,
under what conditions are lawyers, acting as advocates in conflict, more or
less likely to reach settlement? Why do critics of the performance of public
agencies focus on preventing self-enriching behavior by public employees rather
than on the problem itself, relatively poor outcomes for the public interest?
This emphasis on descriptive theory continued over the years. For example,
MitnickÕs more recent theory of testaments (Mitnick 1996/1998, 1999, 2000), a
component of his institutional agency approach, addresses such questions as,
why do selective colleges limit the number of recommendation letters from
applicants? Why do organizations hire imperfectly trained employees? Why do
incumbents have advantages that challengers do not, and what factors generate
greater advantage than others? All of these apparently diverse circumstances
can be understood by applying the logics of institutional agency theory.
The first regular, non-proceedings
journal article on agency as a general theoretical approach was published by
Mitnick (1975b) in Public Choice in the Winter 1975 issue (end of 1975).
The widely-cited work by Jensen and Meckling (1976) that proposed an agency
theory of the firm was not published until almost a year later. In 1976 Mitnick
published another article (1976a) that made use of his agency approach, this
time applied to agency in the public sector, specifically in the context of the
public interest and the use of public interest rhetoric in advocacy.5
Mitnick also presented several papers on agency during this period. He was
invited by Oliver Williamson to present parts of his dissertation at
Williamson's Organizations Workshop in October 1974 (Mitnick 1974b). He also
presented papers on agency at the American Sociological Association meetings in
1975 and 1976 (Mitnick 1975a, 1976b).6
The distinguished political scientist
Edward C. Banfield served on Mitnick's dissertation committee. Banfield passed
away a couple of years ago, but two active members of the committee, the
dissertation chair, Russell Hardin, now at New York University, and Stephen
Elkin, now at the University of Maryland, are aware of Mitnick's dissertation
work. Hardin is generally considered one of the leading political philosophers
in the world today, known for his work in public choice, collective action, and
trust; Mitnick was his first doctoral student. Elkin is a distinguished scholar
in urban and political economy who was one of the founders of a prominent
organization of political economists in the U.S., and remains one of its
central figures.
At the dissertation defense in the Spring
of 1974, Banfield asked if this theory of agency might be applied to analyze
corruption. Mitnick responded with a discussion of how it could, indeed, be so
used. Banfield then wrote a paper comparing public and private and using
MitnickÕs general approach to agency theory to argue that corruption is, as per
the article title, virtually a feature of public organizations. Banfield's
paper was the lead paper in a 1975 NBER conference and was published in the Journal
of Law and Economics late that year in a special issue. Banfield asked
Mitnick to review the manuscript of the paper, and Mitnick suggested a number
of corrections, which Banfield adopted. Banfield acknowledged Mitnick and his
agency theory in the published paper, but the draft paper for the conference
did not contain the acknowledgments. Thus, although a group of well-known
economists were introduced to institutional agency theory at the conference, it
is not known if any were aware that the work they heard was stimulated and
informed in part by Mitnick's work.
Thus, by the time the classic paper by
Jensen and Meckling appeared in print in late 1976, Ross's economic theory of
agency was widely known in economics, and Mitnick's institutional theory of
agency had been published in two articles, used in a third by another scholar,
and been presented at major meetings in three of the social sciences:
economics, political science, and sociology. Although the Jensen and Meckling
paper has had enormous influence in the literature, its occasional citation as
the primary originating paper in agency theory is incorrect. Indeed, it
actually originated a variant of an agency theory of the firm, not agency
theory in general.
Of course, the theory of agency did not
appear, whole cloth, in the works of Ross and Mitnick in 1973. As noted above,
key concepts were developed by scholars in economics, political science, and
elsewhere in a variety of streams on the firm, on organizations, and on
incentives and information, and were later incorporated into the agency
approach. In addition, agent-principal language was employed in a number of
works across the social sciences well before an explicit theory of agency was
proposed. Thus it is important to both acknowledge the earlier work and
recognize that it waited for the primary work by Ross and by Mitnick for the
frame of reference to center on agency theory per se. For example, in the
accounting and control literature, Cooper (1949, 1951) discussed agents inside
the firm; in economics Downs (1957) referred to agents in his economic theory
of democracy and Arrow (1963) referred to agents and to delegation to agents in
his discussion of characteristic problems in medical care and the response of
institutions to those problems; in political science, Pitkin (1967) and Tussman
(1960) used agent-principal language in works on political philosophy; and, in
sociology, Swanson (1971) described collective society using such terms.7
But in none of these works or in any other before Ross and Mitnick was there an
explicit proposal for, or an actual theory of, agency.
In the early 1970s, agency theory was, of
course, unknown in political science and sociology before Mitnick, and it was
not possible to publish articles with this theory logic in journals in these
fields. Reviewers wrote that they had never seen anything like it, and thus it
clearly was not sociology or political science. As a result, Mitnick published
his work on agency in articles and books nominally focusing on other topics. As
noted above, he used an agency approach in part of his paper on the public
interest in 1976. He applied agency to regulation extensively. Among other
applications of agency theory, his 1980 book introduced the study of delegation
as the creation of agents in government.8 His edited book on Corporate
Political Agency (1993) included both applications of agency theory and
basic theory about agency relationships developed in the context of corporate
political activity.
Agency did not enter political science in
a major way until Moe's article in 1984; did not enter sociology similarly
until Shapiro's article in 1987; and did not become prominent in management
work until after Eisenhardt's article in 1989. In all cases, Mitnick's work was
cited, but it had appeared so many years before that these authors took their
primary direction from the then-popular streams on agency in economics. Moe had
been aware of Mitnick's work as long ago as 1978; Shapiro had many of Mitnick's
papers and did make important use of them in her article; Eisenhardt had many
of Mitnick's papers, including his original papers, but apparently did not
consult them and actually cited Mitnick's work inappropriately as an
application in political science rather than as the origination of the field.
Mitnick's original work on agency has indeed been cited (e.g., Cook 1982;
Galaskiewicz 1985; Spulber 1989; Spulber and Besanko 1992; Macey 1992; Waterman
and Meier 1998; Krause 1999; there are many more), but it has remained far less
known, especially in economics, than the work that originated with Ross and,
later, continued with Jensen and Meckling.
Recently, in a major assessment in the Annual
Review of Sociology, Shapiro (2005: 4.9, 4.12) noted that Òa general theory
of agency emerged in political science (Mitnick 1973) at the same time that it
did in economics (Ross 1973), apparently independently. É In a series of papers
spanning at least 25 years, political scientist Barry Mitnick broke the monopoly
on agency theory enjoyed by the economics paradigm and offered an alternative
to the assorted baggage that comes with it.Ó
Mitnick continued to publish work using
agency as a key theory logic, and to expand the theory itself.9
Although he eventually secured a contract from Cambridge University Press to
publish his work on agency,10 the fact of his origination of the
theory of agency seems to have faded in academic memory even as works using
agency theory became commonplace across the social sciences. Because of the
prominence of the Annual Reviews, Shapiro (2005) may begin a pattern of
recalling this work in other responsible reviews of the literature.
The literatureÕs uncertainty about the
origins of agency theory is reflected in the fact that there is no standard
citation to its origin. When work using transaction costs is done, for example,
Oliver Williamson is cited appropriately as its modern originator. When
applications of agency theory are published, however, citations are
inconsistent: Sometimes Jensen and Meckling (1976) is cited, although what they
originated was an influential application to the theory of the firm, not the
agency approach itself. Frequently, though not always, Ross (1973) is cited,
although he deserves to be in every first footnote because of his critical role
in originating economic agency theory. Mitnick (1973, 1975b) is cited far less
frequently, although he originated the institutional theory of agency,
including some of agency theoryÕs most basic and familiar concepts and logics,
and was the first to actually make explicit applications of agency theory to
social institutions. Often there are citations to scholars who advanced agency
theory or who made contributions using agency in the field of the application.
Sometimes there are citations to outstanding scholars who made basic
contributions to some of the core logics that are frequently applied in
analyses of agency relationships, such as formal analyses of the behaviors or
effects of risk distributions, incentive systems, control failures, and the
like (e.g., Holmstršm 1979). But there is an extensive history of
work on such topics. The key argument missing from all earlier work is that a
general, powerful theory that applies to agency relationships should be developed, and that such a
theory can generate statements about behaviors across the institutional
settings of this type, not merely in one case such as the business firm. And,
in surprising number of cases, there is no citation at all, as if after
thirty-plus years the concepts of agency had passed into the common language of
scholarship.
After Ross (1973), people thought in
terms of modeling economic agency relationships, not just in terms of incentives or
compensation systems, which were indeed part of RossÕs analysis, and which many
scholars had, of course, written about in the past. Part of the logic of agency
costs, including the adaptation of institutions to agency failures that may be
rationally tolerated or worked around, can now be inferred, for example, in
brief remarks in AlchianÕs (1965) and Alchian and DemsetzÕs (1972) works on the
firm, but there is no recognition of this as a general component of the
understanding of how agency institutions in general are designed and function
until MitnickÕs work. No one had offered that a theory of agency, utilizing, combining, extending, and
applying insights that had appeared across literature in economics, public
administration, and political science would be a powerful, new way of viewing a
very large class of social phenomena until Ross and Mitnick proposed just that.
Thus, by the logic of discovery,
Mitnick's origination of agency is anchored in his original creation of the
proposal to create a major, integrating theory with this focus, and to actually
begin that work, with both presentations and publications of record. For years
after it appeared, there was nothing in the literature that even remotely
approached the explicit and extensive applications that were in his early
papers and publications. His work was by far the first to introduce and develop
many of the key institutional arguments by which we know it today, e.g., the
argument that institutions are shaped by the rational choice of the principal
to not create perfect agency, when such creation would not be worth it. He also
was the first to publish a non-proceedings article in a regular social science
journal explicitly on the theory of agency. And the record is clear that his
work was spread even in its early days across three of the social sciences.
Notes
1.
A similar argument appears in Alchian and Demsetz (1972), but in the context of
monitoring team production in the firm, not as a feature of a generalized
agency model. MitnickÕs insight was generated by the 1965 remark. In a
particular context, Ross (1973) notes it may not be Òeconomically viableÓ to
monitor the agent, but this is not the same as offering the argument as a
general way to understand how institutions manage agency.
2.
Mitnick was also trained partly in economics, auditing the same year-long
sequence in microeconomics taken by the economics doctoral students, with a
parallel independent study in political science for a term that received the
economics grade.
3.
Although the law of agency had a role in the naming of the theory of agency, it
would be many years before other scholars also applied materials from the law
of agency to the social science theory of agency (see Robert ClarkÕs chapter in
the Pratt and Zeckhauser (1985) volume). There is a very large literature now
in law that makes use of the theory of agency or key concepts from it.
4.
Cf. the later work of Easterbrook and Fischel (1991), who did not originate
this view; also see the work of Stinchcombe 1975/1986 on the fiduciary norm, as
well as related discussions by Arrow (1963) on trust and delegation in medical
care and by Alchian and Demsetz (1972) on the functions of Òloyalty.Ó
5.
This article was later incorporated into MitnickÕs 1980 book on regulation as
part of chapter four.
6.
All the presentations during 1973-1976, in all three disciplines, economics,
political science, and sociology, were very well attended, so knowledge of
MitnickÕs original work in agency was introduced relatively widely at that
time. Besides the meeting presentations, Mitnick gave at least 16 job interview
presentations at research universities during the 1973-74 and 1977-1978
academic years. Thus, knowledge of his work on agency was spread fairly widely
in the academic community.
7.
In 1976, the economist Victor Goldberg published an important article in the Bell
Journal of Economics that was based on a long working paper that employed
agency language. GoldbergÕs insight was to view the regulator's problem as
having to serve as agent both for consumers and for producers. He exchanged
papers with Mitnick and then referenced the theory of agency explicitly in the
published work, citing Mitnick's papers.
8.
The political scientist Morris Fiorina read Mitnick's book (1980; see
especially chapter 6, pp. 326-337) while moving his research focus beyond
legislatures (personal communication from Fiorina about 1981; Fiorina discussed
this with Mitnick during a walk they took at the American Political Science
Association meeting) and published a widely-cited article on delegation as
agency that generated a whole subfield of work. Unfortunately, Fiorina did not
cite the appropriate contributions of the original source, though a comparison
of the two works shows the similarity of the basic ideas immediately. Most
scholars who have done work in this field believe incorrectly that Fiorina's
discussion of delegation as agency originated this approach (but see, e.g.,
Macey 1992). But no one in political science had used this language and
approach before Mitnick, and Fiorina was indeed familiar with MitnickÕs writing
on this.
9.
MitnickÕs first academic position (1974) was in what was then called the School
of Public Administration at Ohio State University, where most of the senior
faculty were interested more in practitioner work than in abstract social
science theory. In 1978, Mitnick moved to what is now the Katz Graduate School
of Business at the University of Pittsburgh, where he was hired to teach and do
research in regulation and in business and society, two areas that continue to
figure in his work. But the academic personnel process (via explicit
instruction from the then Dean) constrained him to publish in areas familiar to
researchers in business and society in the Academy of Management who would be
his reviewers for tenure and promotion.
Still,
most of the research Mitnick did over the years employed aspects of the
institutional agency theory that he had pioneered. For example, a more recent
addition to the theory is the theory of testaments (1996/1998), which seeks to
explain the conditions under which the performance claims of prospective agents
will be treated as credible, so that the agents will be incorporated by or into
the principal actor or organization. Mitnick has so far made applications of
this to the theory of the state (Mitnick 2000), the metrics of corporate social
performance (Mitnick 1999), and other areas.
10.
Work on this book continues.
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